Extending Social Protection to Homebased Workers
in the Philippines: Analyzing, Evaluating and Sustaining the Work
in Progress and Drawing Lessons from the Experience
SUMMARY VERSION
Introduction
In cooperation with the Ford Foundation and
the Foundation for Labor and Employment Promotion (FLEP) based
in Thailand, PATAMABA undertook a research project from
mid-2002 to 2005 with the end in view of evaluating initiatives
on the extension of social protection for homebased and other
workers in the informal sector in the Philippines.
Among the project’s specific research objectives, undertaken
through a participatory action methodology, were:
1) To examine through
a survey, followed by focus group discussions and key
informant interviews resulting in case studies and life stories,
the ways by which homebased workers address risks such as sickness,
death, disability, old age, childbirth, calamities, and other
life reversals in the context of their current working and living
conditions, for the purpose of surfacing their priority needs
as workers and as women –- this study will also help in the
evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of new initiatives
regarding the extension of social protection to informal workers;
2) To discuss the
findings of the survey and case studies/life stories with homebased
workers’ groups through initial awareness-raising and later
education/training and validation sessions to verify the results
of the study and do capacity-building on the local level –-
this in turn will be followed by multi-sectoral policy fora
to discuss the findings with informal workers’ organizations,
non-government organizations (NGOs), local government organizations,
and national and regional policymakers and institutions; and
3) To document and analyze the
“movement” for social protection of the homebased workers and
other workers in the informal economy in the Philippines
within the context of the current and proposed state
policies and programs, and also continue to document the process
of advocacy for social protection for homebased workers and
other workers in the informal economy directed at government
and other stakeholders in the country.
Lessons Learned from Case Studies
The research focused on six information-rich
communities with PATAMABA’s organizational presence, on which
case studies were produced. These case studies are on:
-
PATAMABA damayan (mutual aid association)
in San Francisco, Bulacan, Bulacan, which has 216 members,
and which is “branching out” from death benefits to sickness
benefits. The strong spirit of mutual assistance - “bayanihan”
and “damayan” - as practiced in the community served as impetus
for the social protection initiative of the organization.
“Bayanihan” is a community tradition of neighbors offering
free labor assistance for farm work, home repair/transfer,
etc. “Damayan” is the tradition of offering help especially
during times of bereavement. Neighbors assist each other financially
on a purely voluntary basis.
-
PATAMABA Apugan chapter in Baguio City
(Cordillera Administrative Region), composed mostly of
indigenous women, who have their social protection tradition
to bank on during times of illness, death and burial but the
same indigenous practices like hablag (death/burial
practice) and pinagpagan (practice related to illness)
also require them to have the financial means to comply due
to the expense involved.
-
PATAMABA chapter in La Union, whose
leaders and members are also engaged in the ORT Health Plus
Scheme (OHPS), which is a non-profit community health insurance
program financed through a voluntary prepayment scheme with
comprehensive benefits and is open to all residents of the
province of La Union. The scheme is promoted as a model by
ILO-STEP.
-
Community-based health micro-insurance
scheme in Angono, Rizal, launched under the auspices of
the ILO-STEP (“Strategies and Tools against Social Exclusion
and Poverty”) project involving PATAMABA members, who are
simultaneously the proponents (through the PATAMABA-HOA) of
a 300-unit housing project being developed by the local government
in cooperation with the National Home Mortgage and Finance
Corporation. The Angono scheme has taken into consideration
the community’s capability to address risks such as illness,
death, disability, old age, etc –all of which are necessary
in addressing the sustainability of the housing project.
-
Microfinance program of PATAMABA Region
VI in Iloilo and Antique, which has integrated damayan
or mutual aid, and, is supplemented by an aggressive campaign
to enroll members in the Social Security System (SSS), Philhealth
and Red Cross. Its other programs and services
include livelihood loans, savings mobilization/capital build-up,
skills training, awareness raising (on gender issues and reproductive
health), community organizing, entrepreneurship development,
and marketing assistance.
-
PATAMABA Balingasa chapter in the National
Capital Region, which pioneered the Automatic Debit
Account (ADA) program in Quezon City in partnership
with PS Bank and the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE).
Under this program, informal workers can open accounts at
the PS Bank from which their SSS contributions can be automatically
debited. The minimum maintaining balance for this account
is just P100, in contrast with the usual P1,000. PATAMABA
Balingasa has other programs that include relending short
term loans as capital for livelihood projects and production
of “Budbod Sustansiya” (vegetops) which targets malnourished
children, pregnant and nursing women.
Among the lessons learned from the six case
study sites are the following:
-
Building on the strong rural tradition
of community-based solidarity is a good start (in
the Philippines, this is embodied in such ideas as “bayanihan”
and “damayan”);
-
Tradition can be both a boon and a burden
among indigenous communities (it provides some forms of
security, but is also a financial burden at times);
-
Social security is very much tied up
with income and employment security. Without reserve funds
set aside from a reasonably regular source, contributions
to SSS, Philhealth, damayan, etc. cannot be sustained;
-
Gender issues as well as child issues
need to be addressed explicitly and comprehensively (e.g.,
domestic violence, reproductive health, childcare and children’s
welfare) since felt risks and vulnerabilities are closely
connected to these fundamental concerns;
-
Asset reform (e.g., access to land and
other resources) is essential;
-
Sustained networking and advocacy at
both national and local levels lead to results over the
long run; and
-
There is need to develop an integrated
(holistic or comprehensive) approach to social security
and protection for informal workers, since a piece-by-piece
approach will not work. At the same time, there needs to
be flexibility because different types of homebased workers
face a different constellation of needs.
Insights from Life Stories/Narratives
Six subjects of varying backgrounds and experiences were selected
for in-depth interviews, one from each field site:
-
Remedios Solitario, a widow with
many children, who provides the story of an unorganized, aging
woman in rural Iloilo trying to make ends meet
by vending vegetables and processed food after her husband’s
death;
-
Corazon Casim, an Ifugao migrant
weaver living in Baguio City, also a widow with six children
and active in PATAMABA;
-
Ramil Patacsil, brother-in-law of
a PATAMABA leader in Naguilian, La Union, whose story exemplifies
the advantages of membership in the ORT Health Plus micro-insurance
scheme (OHPS) over and above Philhealth;
-
Angelita Carbillon, a Damayan member
from San Francisco, Bulacan, Bulacan, a displaced factory
garments worker who turned to milkfish processing and other
forms of informal work to support her daughters and three
grandchildren (one grandchild died at birth after caesarian
delivery);
-
Divina Cesar, a homebased worker
leader from Balingasa, Quezon City active in the SSS-ADA program,
whose fortunes took a turn for the worst when her husband
got sick with diabetes, and her own income from lace-making
and other informal production fell due to competition and
other factors; and
-
Lucia Almazan, a migrant who has
been working since childhood as a domestic helper, eatery
employee, homebased worker and vendor, suddenly widowed with
four children, but determined to have her own house through
the PATAMABA HOA and to enjoy social protection through the
SSS-ADA.
The vulnerabilities and risks to which
the subjects have been exposed include death of primary
breadwinner ( in the case of Remedios, Lucia, and Cora); fatal/chronic
sickness of primary breadwinner ( in the case of Cora and Divina);
need for laboratory services of a pregnant wife, medical expenses
for self and children, and hospitalization of a dependent parent
not covered by Philhealth (in the case of Ramil); unwanted
pregnancy, caesarean delivery, and death of the newly born grandchild
( in the case of Angelita); potentially dangerous sickness of
a child ( in the case of Lucia); displacement from formal
work of subject or primary breadwinner due to the effects of
globalization as well as decreased income and irregular employment
( in the case of Divina and Lita); the problems of gender,
age, family and work status, as well as her lack of organizational
experience in the case of Remedios, magnifying her multiple
burdens as an aging solo parent; inadequate earnings as
solo parent with many children ( in the case of Remedios,
Lucia, and Cora); ill health, overfatigue, multiple
burdens, and worries about the future due to gender roles and
old age ( in the case of Lita and Remedios); and special
problems due to ethnicity and migration ( in the case of Cora
and Lucia).
The stories point to the need for a more concerted
advocacy agenda that can more effectively combine economic empowerment
strategies (enterprise building, microfinance, social marketing,
etc) with facilitation of access to social protection. If empowerment
is seen as a process with many stages, the cases discussed can
be tracked along a continuum where progress is dependent on many
factors: resource and work status, gender, ethnicity, migration,
level of organizational engagement, nature of the community environment,
and macro-economic realities such as trade liberalization associated
with globalization.
Within this continuum, Remedios, who
has just been organized, has barely started on her empowerment
process; she has no visibility and social protection except the
traditional damayan. Cora, who is an indigenous
woman weaver and a solo parent, has to struggle against poverty
and ethnic discrimination within the context of an organization
which has developed her self-worth and may provide her the means
to move towards entrepreneurship; her social protection is limited
to traditional forms (which are quite expensive) and to the Philhealth
scheme for indigents which she has not yet used. Angelita,
Divina, and Lucia have had a long history of organizational
involvement which have had a positive effect on their awareness
of their rights, the building of their capabilities for alternative
livelihood ( especially for Angelita and Divina), and their
access to social protection through the damayan ( in the case
of Angelita), SSS ( in the case of Divina and Lucia),
and land for housing (Lucia). Macro-economic environment
(globalization), displacement from formal work, chronic
illness of the breadwinner coupled with threat of eviction
(in the case of Divina), status as migrant and solo parent
(in the case of Lucia) as well as gender and aging
issues ( in the case of Angelita), have constrained
the empowerment possibilities and the potential social protection
coverage laid open by their organizational involvement.
Ramil, who is a man, is the most empowered, because he
is better educated and more well -off in the first place.
He has his own businesses (for which he underwent training through
OHPS) and has a wife with regular earnings. His whole family
is fully covered by SSS, Philhealth, and OHPS.
Highlights of Survey Results
| Background of
1000 respondents and household data |
- Majority are female (88%), married (more than three-fourths),
in the 36-49 age group (49%), PATAMABA members (80%),
and non-migrants (64%).
- In terms of geographical distribution, a little over
half (58.8 percent) are rural (from La Union, Bulacan
and Iloilo) while some (41.2 percent) are urban
(from Rizal, Benguet and Metro Manila).
- More than half of the 1000 respondents did not
finish secondary school: 26.5 percent completed elementary
schooling (39.3 percent in Bulacan, 31 percent in La Union
) , 13 percent reached but did not finish high school,
and 11.1 percent did not complete their elementary education
(23.9 percent in Bulacan, 16 percent in Benguet).
- 66.4 percent are into homebased work, where
majority (76.9 percent) are self-employed
while 19.3 percent are under subcontracting (concentrated
in Rizal, Bulacan, and Metro Manila). Other occupations
are agricultural work, trading, factory work, construction
work, and driving.
- Average monthly income is clustered around the P2,501-5000
(32%) and the P5,001- 7,500 (24%) ranges.
- Most have no savings (54%).
- Many respondents have problem with small loans (48%),
mostly P5,000 and below (from banks, coops, PATAMABA WEED
and microfinance programs, friends, relatives); most find
it difficult to pay due to lack of income.
|
| Conditions of employment, product
markets, economic crisis |
- Half don’t own the land on which they live and work.
- Most say their workplace has problems – too little
ventilation or room; majority are exposed to sharp and
dangerous objects.
- 16% have working children, mostly in La Union and Benguet.
- There is great variation in terms of economic security
during last five years
(Iloilo most secure; Bulacan and Metro Manila least
secure; Benguet, seasonal).
- Almost 50% say they would stay in the same line of
work because they have no choice even if income was small.
- In Benguet, most would like to change because work
and income are not enough.
|
| Short- term risks and problems,
and responses/coping behavior |
- #1 short-term risk for respondents is sudden
illness.
- #2 short-term risk is sudden loss of job
or income.
- Other risks identified are children’s educational expense,
indebtedness, childbirth, expenses connected with weddings,
relatively minor accidents.
- Gender-related risks are sickness/stress due
to overfatigue esp. in rural sites, loss of chance to
study or improve oneself (Benguet, Bulacan).
- The main response to short-term risks is reliance on
family and relatives.
- Less than 5% relied on Philhealth, SSS, LGUs, etc.
|
| Long-term risks and problems,
and responses/coping behavior |
- #1 long-term risk for majority of respondents is loss
of job and income.
- #2 is serious illness.
- Other risks/problems identified are having to
take care of small children, health care for women and
mothers, and loss of land and housing (Rizal, Benguet,
Metro Manila).
- The main response is reliance on family and relatives
as well as a little help from the local government units
(for hospitalization, funeral service, health care, daycare).
Less than 5% relied on damayan, SSS, Philhealth.
|
| Causes of worry, concern |
- #1 cause of worry
or concern for respondents is illness.
- A far second is joblessness, and lack of employment
and income.
- Sex differences are small but women worry more about
illness, children’s educational expenses, death of a family
member, violence in the home and community, sickness/stress
due to over fatigue, problems due to spouse; men worry
more about occupational safety and health, temporary loss
of job and income, debt, accident, childbirth.
- Most age groups worry about illness and temporary loss
of job or income, but those above 60 worry most about
sickness/stress due to over fatigue.
- The more economically better off worry more about illness
than those with less.
- In Rizal, calamity appears as a cause for worry (ranked
#3), due perhaps to perennial flooding in the area.
|
Knowledge About Social Protection |
- 40.9 percent know a lot about SSS; 48.9 percent,
just a little.
- 32.6 percent know a lot about Philhealth; 45
percent, just a little.
- Much less know about Red Cross (44 percent never heard
of it); and damayan (53 percent never heard
of it).
- Most in La Union (77.4 percent) know about OHPS.
- Sources of knowledge are primarily family members and
PATAMABA.
|
| Experiences, Opinions on Existing
Social Protection Schemes |
- 63 percent never had any form of social protection.
- 29 percent say they or their family member received
SSS benefits; most responses show these are adequate,
easy to access, responsive to clients’ needs but a sizeable
number disagree.
- 20 percent say they or their family member received
Philhealth benefits; responses show the same pattern
as above – most are satisfied but a significant
minority is not.
- Very few (percentages less than 10) benefited from
damayan, LGUs, Red Cross, and OHPS (but 81%
is recorded in La Union, where OHPS is based).
- Slight majority of respondents believe SSS and Philhealth
are sustainable, but almost half do not think so; main
issue is sustaining contributions to have access to
benefits over the long run.
- The main reason for dropping out (25%)
is too little income.
- The main reason for not enrolling is unaffordable
level of contributions for SSS, Philhealth; lack of knowledge
for Red Cross, damayan, MFI (microfinance institution).
- If an employer, 8.5% (of 658 respondents) contribute
to social protection schemes; 33% may contribute in the
future; 29 percent will not, due to unaffordability.
- The main recommendations for existing social
protection programs are faster processing of claims and
benefits, more information about programs.
|
| Division of Labor: Who should
take care of what? |
- Family and relatives should take care of illness
and short-term risks.
- Damayan, tulungan, etc.: illness, short-term-risks,
loss of income, and death.
- Community, religious organizations – long-term
risks, and loss of income.
- LGUs: long-term risks, illness, violence and
drugs, threat of ejectment, child care.
- National government: long-term risks; loss of
peace; ejectment; land and housing security; drug addiction.
- Private business: long-term risks, financial
risks, temporary loss of income.
|
| Regarding the need for health
micro-insurance |
- Most (57.5%) say they cannot afford to meet their medical
needs.
- Most (86.3%) rarely visit hospitals or clinics
due to expense for doctors and medicines which they cannot
afford.
- When spending for medical care, two-thirds pay out
of personal savings, more than one-half borrow from relatives
and neighbors.
- Only one-third had health insurance in any form, and
this insurance does not cover all their health needs.
- Almost all (96.8%) want to join a community-based health
micro-insurance scheme, and most (88.6%) are willing
to pay P600 a year (P50 a month).
|
| Variables Cross-Tabulated |
- Gender and age – not much effect.
- Income status and condition in life: Those with
higher income feel more calm and stable, have more savings,
use pay wards, know more about and have more access to
social protection.
- Migrant status – Migrants have slightly better
income, more savings, more tendency to use pay wards;
non-migrants are better connected to local sources
of information and services.
- Membership in PATAMABA – members are more
connected to local services and support systems, and are
better informed than non-members about various social
protection schemes.
|
Social Protection Advocacy:The
Experience Thus Far
National Level Initiatives Concerted
lobbying led by informal sector representatives directed mainly
at the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PHIC) and the
Social Security System include homebased workers and other
workers in the informal economy in its various programs.
A result of advocacy within PHIC is the direct representation
of workers in the informal sector in the PHIC Board . PHIC
is expanding its services to cover informal sector workers by
entering into agreements with local government officials whereby
contributions could be made less burdensome through co-sharing,
sometimes with the assistance of private institutions. More
needs to be ironed out regarding the accreditation of NGOs as
collection agents. Accreditation is a major leap forward
from facilitation, as NGOs need to undergo training in proper
procedures, and they have to produce bond money to guarantee the
funds they collect. In exchange, NGOs can receive P10 per remittance
per head as incentive.
A major gain in the advocacy for SSS coverage of the informal
sector is the Automatic Debit Account (ADA) program, jointly coordinated
by DOLE and PS Bank, and initially piloted in Metro Manila.
Informal worker representation has not yet been institutionalized
in SSS decision-making bodies, but a Technical Working Group
(TWG) on social protection has been organized to ensure
the implementation of the Country Program on the “Development
and Protection of the Workers in the Informal Economy” approved
by the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) in
late 2002. (The Country Program is in itself the result
of sustained advocacy by informal worker organizations).
The long-term advocacy of informal sector groups for the accreditation
of NGOs as collecting agents of the SSS still has to bear fruit.
There are ongoing debates on: percentage of the incentive,
and the amount of bond that NGOs have to produce to guarantee
the contributions they collect.
Campaigns for and Sustaining Membership in the SSS, Philhealth,
and Red Cross
As part of this project, fora and focused group
discussions were carried out in the six research sites during
the second half of 2003 to raise awareness regarding the advantages
and obligations of membership in SSS, Philhealth, and Red Cross.
Continuous campaign on the part of PATAMABA leaders to enroll
members in these formal social protection schemes followed.
Membership campaigns have been most successful
in PATAMABA Region VI and in Angono Rizal, where representatives
of SSS, Philhealth and Red Cross were invited to explain their
programs thoroughly in various fora. These lent more
credibility to the campaign since information was directly imparted
by the concerned agencies and opened opportunities for networking
and a close partnership between PATAMABA and the agencies. PATAMABA
was able to play the role of facilitator (helping the members
fill out and submit the forms, etc.) and as in the case of Region
VI, as virtual collecting agent. Rules were relaxed in favor of
the informal workers – e.g., they could apply for membership even
without the usual requirements (birth certificate, etc.), on condition
that these would be submitted later as necessities for claiming
of benefits.
PATAMABA leaders saw the importance of regular
monitoring as a mechanism to alert the agencies to problem areas;
e.g., the late remittance of contributions by the participating
bank in the case of the SSS-ADA program. Suggestions from
PATAMABA leaders was for the agencies to have a regular
billing system (as practiced by power, water, and telephone companies)
reminding members of their obligations, their missed payments,
and the amounts they have contributed so far.
The difficult side of the campaign is to encourage
those enrolled to continue payments, more so in areas where members’
incomes are seasonal. An adjustment taken in Angono is to
collect contributions several months in advance during times when
members have money in their hands. Thus, the latter need not pay
out funds during lean months.
Local-level initiatives Community-based
social protection schemes studied here focused on health, land
and housing security, livelihood and market development. The
most significant experiences in connection with the research is
the setting up of a community-based health micro-insurance scheme
in Angono, Rizal, and the continuing advocacy for land and
housing security not only in Angono but also in Apugan, Baguio
City.
Lessons Learned on Social Protection Advocacy.
When asked about the secret of their gains in advocacy, PATAMABA
leaders mentioned three words: patience, since it can
take years before results manifest themselves; persistence,
since the concerned authorities will only pay attention if they
are continually reminded of the tasks at hand; and perseverance,
since efforts need to be sustained if they are to lead to concrete
gains.
What made the advocacy more effective is broad-based
coalition work by all informal sector groups in gaining representation
in the National Anti-Poverty Commission, in Philhealth, in NEDA,
and other decision-making bodies. Support by the ILO, the UNDP,
UNIFEM and other UN agencies has also been of much help.
At the local level, the forging of good relations with local government
officials as well as representation in task forces and other bodies
concerned with the informal sector have borne much fruit, especially
in the case of Angono. However, such ties are dependent
on political alignments, and the story can be very different if
other forces not friendly to informal workers take local power.
Conclusions and Recommendations
Overall, the current situation presents a challenge to traditional
notions of economic and social security tied to formal government-run
or -regulated systems. Such systems barely covered women
workers in the informal economy before the Asian crisis, since
most could not establish clear employer-employee relations, and
the self-employed did not have the information or the means to
join. The situation is expected to worsen as formal social and
health security systems are now under much pressure, stress, and
increasingly suffering from a credibility gap. Long-standing campaigns
by homebased workers’ and other informal sector networks have
led to some gains in terms of gaining access to the formal systems.
But even if women workers in the informal economy are able to
enroll in such systems, they cannot sustain their contributions
if they have no employment or income security. Furthermore,
there are other forms of security that are increasingly gaining
importance in their lives, such as food security, health security,
security of place of work, education security, reproduction security
(covering childbirth and child care), security of capital
and market demand (specifically for the self-employed).
Various recommendations have been culled from the research through
the survey, case studies, life stories, focus group discussions,
key informant interviews while on field, and the validation workshop
held 21 January 2005.
These recommendations proceed from an integrated
and empowering approach to social security and protection for
informal workers, which takes into consideration the
following factors: an income that is sufficient to
cover basic needs; the ability to secure sufficient food
for self and family; access to sufficient health services
(particularly occupational and reproductive health), along with
income and food, so that health status – particularly for women
– can be secured; freedom from violence in the home, the
workplace, and the community; a secure place of work
– a place in which work can be done safely and productively,
a place in which to live (land and housing);
a level of education that will enable economic participation
in society; opportunities to reproduce and change skills
in accordance with changes in the market; opportunities to
work and to pursue a career; and for the self employed, access
to capital for enterprise development and sustainability,
as well as a reasonably reliable market or demand
for the commodity or service (or the means to change what is produced
and sold).
The overriding concern to enable women workers
in the informal economy to have a secure livelihood, to increase
their capacity to meet basic needs (food, clothing, shelter) and
to deal with risks and vulnerabilities should inform the national
government’s overall agenda in combating poverty. Hence, it is
important to review anti-poverty programs so that the social protection
agenda can be integrated in such programs to serve workers in
the informal economy through mechanisms that ensure their visibility
and participation.
This political agenda can be easily harmonized
with the stand of PATAMABA, the Workers in the Informal Sector
Council (WISC) in the National Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC),
and Homenet Southeast Asia that the empowerment of informal
workers can be attained through increased visibility,
access to resources, (income, employment, training, capital,
market, etc), and social protection. Within the rights-based framework,
these are economic, social, and political rights which are inalienable,
indivisible, and mutually reinforcing. In terms of development
work, strategies to protect, defend, and attain these rights need
to be pursued and integrated in order to make a difference in
the everyday lives of women in the informal economy.
These point to the need for a more concerted
advocacy agenda that can more effectively combine economic
empowerment strategies (enterprise building, microfinance,
social marketing, etc.) with facilitation of access to social
protection as well as participation in decision making in
the various spheres of women’s lives: the home, the workplace,
the community, the nation, regional and global bodies. The action
plans of the participants from the six research sites who participated
in the January 21 validation workshop confirm the fact that they
see how continuing and expanding their access to social protection
through awareness-raising, lobbying, advocacy, and networking
is very closely tied to the success of other strategies such as
product development and marketing assistance.
Organizing and leadership development are prerequisites for this
agenda, which can be broken down in terms of general and specific
recommendations.
The general thrust of the recommendations regarding
local level initiatives is the promotion of and support for
indigenous social protection schemes as well as community based
micro-health insurance schemes which benefit and empower informal
women workers. The initial efforts on promoting social protection
schemes by PATAMABA should be sustained and monitored to derive
key lessons in the implementation. Resources to assist the organization
in their pioneering efforts on social protection should be provided
by government (especially at the local government level) and development
agencies. Of particular interest is the systematization of
the initial efforts done in the six (6) communities
where PATAMABA has promoted the social protection programs.
Another general recommendation is the formulation
of policy directives and implementing guidelines in accordance
with the Country Program on the “Development and Protection
of the Workers in the Informal Economy” at local level involving
local governments, NGOs, POs, cooperatives, academe, development
agencies and other stakeholders, as exemplified by the highly
fruitful experience in Angono, Rizal.
More specific recommendations from the research
participants addressed local-level initiatives such as damayan
and various health micro-insurance schemes. For the damayan,
these are, among others, to have a reserve fund
for continuous and timely service; register and get accreditation
from the local government to acquire legitimacy in accessing more
assistance and benefits; and add services to cover
hospitalization of members and provide immediate aid
to victims of calamities. For the community based
ORT Health Plus Scheme based in La Union, research
participants say there is need to strengthen the information,
membership and collection campaign; cultivate relations
with LGUs for more support and subsidy for staff and indigent
members; and increase employee compensation, especially for
the doctor and day care workers. Furthermore, an integrated approach
to social protection should be adopted; i.e., continue to
strengthen livelihood and marketing capabilities of members
so that they can sustain contributions to the scheme.
Local government units (LGUs) are also
called upon to participate in and support the establishment of
community-based health micro-insurance schemes. Other recommendations
addressed to LGUs are for them to provide for free or subsidized
medicine; preventive health programs;
mobilization of barangay health workers for social protection
campaigns; additional doctors, nurses, and other health workers;
emergency loans to those in need; additional facilities
for health, daycare, survivors of violence against women
(VAW); improvement of flood control programs;
more participation of people in disaster management and community
rebuilding; and support for the establishment
of botica sa barangay ( village drug store) run by
people’s organizations as an enterprise on a cost-sharing
basis.
Regarding research, there is need for
continued documentation through mapping of the status of
homebased workers .(under subcontracting/putting out system and
in self-employment) and other workers in the
informal economy, focusing on working conditions at
various levels of the value chain, the employer-employee
relationships (if any), remuneration system, reproductive
and occupational safety and health problems, the
rights of workers under the law, and the available
social protection. A comprehensive information base on their
livelihood and income situation including aspects of health, gender
and relevant issues would help provide the basis for future social
protection programs. An analysis of their situation should include
looking into the global issues that affect the local economy (e.g.,
trade liberalization, termination of the Multi-Fiber Agreement,
debt dependence and the financial crisis), and how these issues
impact on the vulnerabilities and risks of workers in the informal
sector.
Another target for continuous documentation
should be the social protection initiatives (both formal
and informal) by people’s organizations and NGOs that exemplify
people’s active participation in the promotion of their social
well-being. These initiatives could be compared across countries
and regions to enhance cross-fertilization of ideas and practices,
and to maximize the reach of the benefits derived from the lessons
learned and the possible ways forward.
There is also a need to see how homebased women
workers proceed from stage to stage in the empowerment process
and to what extent progress is dependent on many factors: resource
and work status, gender, ethnicity, migration, level of organizational
engagement, nature of the community environment, and macro-economic
realities such as trade liberalization associated with globalization.
More case studies and life stories of such women in the context
of their work, community, and organizational affiliation can help
illuminate this.
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