February 13, 2008
 
 

What's New

Homenet Philippines' Advocacy Agenda

Workers in the informal economy comprise 22 million or 75 per cent of all employed in the Philippines, based on the 2002 Labor Force Survey. Of this number, there are at least six million homebased workers most of them women who are multi-burdened and subjected to discriminatory practices because of their sex. Among them are subcontracted homeworkers who have no written contracts with definite employers, suffer from substandard wages even while they shoulder the cost of work space and utilities , lack social protection, access to training and other resources, and are vulnerable to occupational health and safety hazards. Most homeworkers are not organized and if they are, they have little voice and participation in decision-making bodies in charge of their concerns.

The informal sector has been growing since the 1980s, because many workers in the formal sector have been continuously displaced from their jobs with a lot of local enterprises closing down, unable to withstand the often unfair competition from cheap and smuggled foreign goods. Since employment is also difficult to find, millions have also entered the informal economy as micro-entrepreneurs who have little access to capital, technology, and markets. The informal sector, which accounts for almost half of the country’s Gross Domestic Product, also includes vendors, small transport operators (tricycle, pedicabs and bancas), petty retailers, barter traders, small-scale miners and quarry workers, non-corporate construction workers, entertainers, beauticians, laundry persons, hairdressers, on call domestic helpers, volunteer workers, barkers, unorganized cargo handlers, etc.

Homebased workers and other workers in the informal economy are in need of policies and programs that will advance their issues and concerns. It is in this context that the following advocacy agenda is being offered to sympathetic candidates in the coming elections so that its contents can be included in their political campaigns and platforms. Candidates who do so will certainly be rewarded by the trust and confidence of informal workers, especially the women among them.

1. Enactment of a Magna Carta for the Informal Sector.

Initiatives for this began as early as 1999 with a rally culminating in the issuance of an Administrative Order for the formulation of such a Magna Carta. Lobbying efforts from various informal sector and women’s organizations bore fruit when some legislators picked up the cudgels and filed bills in the House of Representatives for a proposed Magna Carta. which attracted public discussion and debate in mid-2006.

This proposed Magna Carta for the Informal Sector should be an integrated, holistic and comprehensive policy instrument for the informal sector to ensure the rights of all those who comprise it. Among these rights are : a) the right to self-organization; b) the enhancement of their entrepreneurial skills and their capabilities to become more productive and self-reliant thereby ensuring participation in mainstream economic activities; c) the right to just and humane working conditions, access to productive resources, and social protection; and d) the right to represent their organizations in a continuing process of consultation and dialogue towards maximizing the provision of a comprehensive package of reforms, interventions, and services in accordance with their articulated needs and interests. Given that the majority of all employed women is in the informal sector, the Magna Carta should also focus on addressing women’s issues/concerns, promote gender equity, women’s economic rights and independence Appropriate bodies should be set up at the national and local levels to address concerns of the sector with significant representation from the sector itself.

2. Provision of a 10 percent allocation in both national and local budgets for informal sector needs and concerns.

In the light of previous neglect in terms of a rightful share in the national budget, the state should provide substantial financial resources for the informal sector (at least 10 percent considering that the sector numbers at least 22 million and comprise 75 percent of total employed) . This 10 percent allocation should be earmarked in the General Appropriations Act (GAA) as well as in the IRA of all local government units (LGUs). Such a pool of funds should be able to finance programs to enhance human development, including livelihood, technology, and social protection. This entitlement is similar to those meant for youth, senior citizens, and gender and development (GAD).


3. More social protection for informal workers through greater , if not universal coverage by the Social Security System (SSS) and Phil Health, and support for indigenous social protection schemes initiated by informal workers’ groups in their communities. When informal workers and their family members fall ill and need to be hospitalized, they need health insurance to cover their needs; otherwise, they either fall into debt or are unable to seek necessary medical attention. Thus, they should eventually be covered by Phil Health through universal, state-subsidized schemes such as the highly successful one in Thailand. In the meanwhile, the KASAPI and other Phil Health programs for indigents and the working poor should be expanded and improved in order to develop effective partnerships with organized groups and to better serve their target populations.

Community-based health insurance and indigenous schemes such as the damayan should also be supported through technical assistance, subsidies, and other means by national and local bodies so that they can be of better service to their membership who cannot access or who need to supplement benefits provided by formal social protection mechanisms such as Phil Health.

Social security should be provided to all workers in case of death, illness, disability, maternity, and old age. Most informal workers, however, do not enjoy such social security, perhaps because they have no clear participation in both policy-making and implementation on this issue. The SSS Law should be amended to allow for informal sector representation in the SSS Commission, accreditation of informal workers’ organizations as collecting agents, improvement of benefit package and easier contribution terms for low-income earners. In order to facilitate informal worker membership, cooperatives and people’s organizations should be accredited as collecting agents of premiums; other collection mechanisms (through cellphones, couriers, etc.) should also be developed. Efficiency, transparency and effectiveness in service delivery need to be ensured.

4. Ratification of the ILO Convention 177 on Home Work
ILC 177 on Home Work seeks to uplift the conditions of homeworkers so that they can experience the same treatment, exercise the same rights based at the very least on the core labor standards of decent work, and receive the same entitlements workers in the formal and other sectors are legally enabled to enjoy. Among these are the following:

  • the right to establish or join organizations of their own choosing and to participate in the activities of such organizations;
    protection against discrimination in employment and occupation;
  • protection in the field of occupational safety and health;
    remuneration;
    > statutory social security protection;
    > access to training;
    > minimum age for admission to employment or work; and
    > maternity protection.
  • The campaign for ratification in the Philippines started as early as 1996. It is now finally bearing fruit with the commitment of trade unions, employers, and government bodies, principally the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) and the Office of the President to pursue the ratification process. The campaign needs to be pursued to its logical end – concurrence by the Senate through the Senate President.

5. Revision and implementation of Department Order No. 5 on Homeworkers, and its integration, together with other homebased workers’ concerns, into the Labor Code
Homeworkers’ groups succeeded in lobbying for the issuance in February 1992 of DOLE [Department of Labor and Employment] Department Order No. 5 implementing the Labor Code provisions for industrial homeworkers. Among the salient provisions of D.O. 5 are:
? the affirmation of homeworkers’ right to self-organization;
registration of homeworkers’ organizations, and their employers, contractors and subcontractors (and provision of assistance to those who have registered);
? immediate payment for home work;
? standard output rates based on time and motion studies, individual/collective agreement between the employer and workers; or consultation with representatives of employers and workers in a tripartite conference;
? prohibition of home work in the production of explosives, fireworks, poisons, and other toxic substances; and
? designation of the DOLE regional directors to administer compliance and hear complaints.

This Department Order needs to be tested in actuality. It has to have penalties and sanctions against erring employers, contractors, and subcontractors to be effective. Finally, it needs to be integrated in the Labor Code to be considered a significant and permanent part of labor legislation.

6. Provision of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanisms for the informal sector at various levels of governance.

There are many instances when informal workers need speedy processes of dispute resolution. Such instances include unwarranted arrests and/or penalties imposed by policemen on vendors and transport operators. Homebased workers could be victims of runaway subcontractors who did not pay them for working on products already delivered. At the local government level, the dispute resolution mechanism could be lodged with the Public Employment Service Offices (PESO). At the regional level, the Department of Labor and Employment Regional Office should be able to handle more cases than it is mandated to cover under Department Order No. 5 (which refers only to homebased workers but not other categories of homebased workers).

7. Amendment and implementation of Republic Act No 7882: AN ACT PROVIDING ASSISTANCE TO WOMEN ENGAGING IN MICRO AND COTTAGE BUSINESS ENTERPRISES, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES (Feb. 20,1995); Republic Act 8289, AN ACT TO STRENGTHEN THE PROMOTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF, AND ASSISTANCE TO SMALL AND MEDIUM SCALE ENTERPRISES, AMENDING FOR THAT PURPOSE REPUBLIC ACT NO. 6977, OTHERWISE KNOWN AS THE “MAGNA CARTA FOR SMALL ENTERPRISES’ AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES (May, 1997); Republic Act No. 8425: AN ACT INSTITUTIONALIZING THE SOCIAL REFORM AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION PROGRAM, CREATING FOR THE PURPOSE THE NATIONAL ANTI-POVERTY COMMISSION, DEFINING ITS POWERS AND FUNCTIONS, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES (Dec. 11, 1997) ; and Republic Act 9178: AN ACT TO PROMOTE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BARANGAY MICRO BUSINESS ENTERPRISES (BMBEs), PROVIDING INCENTIVES AND BENEFITS THEREFORE, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES (Nov. 13, 2002) to ensure the rights of informal workers and micro-enterpreneurs (especially the women among them) as well as to ensure their access to credit and other productive resources

The Magna Carta on SMEs, the BMBE Law, and to a large extent, the Social Reform and Poverty Alleviation Act (RA 8425), are gender-blind. Women are not at all mentioned in the first two laws as specific targets of assistance. Basic sectors covered by RA 8425 are not described as comprising of women and men. Women’s particular needs and interests as regards microfinance and microenterprise development, which are different from those of men, are not at all considered. Gender discrimination intersects with class-based discrimination in the way micro-enterprise has been defined and redefined. The “sliding definition” of micro-enterprise/micro-business (from up to P150,000 to up to P3 million) has led to the increased invisibility and lack of clear access of women in poverty who are in the lower rungs of the capitalization ladder. The laws open more possibilities for bigger business concerns (mostly owned and run by men) to have more advantages and benefits at the expense of the smaller (micro) ones (mostly run by women), and workers, mostly women in the informal sector (who need not be paid a minimum wage, for example). In consonance with the trend towards commercialization benefiting profit-oriented institutions, most of the laws have a strong bias for the credit alone or minimalist model of microfinance and micro-enterprise development, which is primarily concerned with the financial sustainability of the providing institutions, not really with poverty reduction and/or women’s empowerment. Women clients are therefore heavily disadvantaged by high interest rates and transaction costs, low loanable ceilings insufficient to lift them out of poverty, etc. Only credit assistance is made mandatory; other forms of assistance (e.g., technology transfer, marketing, microinsurance, etc) are not required in measurable terms and are barely elaborated.

Except for the Social Reform and Poverty Alleviation Act which clearly identifies workers in the formal and informal sectors as basic sectors with clear representation and participatory mechanisms in the work of the National Anti-Poverty Commission, the laws are silent on the rights and entitlements of workers in micro-enterprises. On the BMBE law, which exempts micro-business from complying with the minimum wage, there seems to be a consensus among trade unions and informal sector groups that this exemption should be withdrawn.Except for the BMBE Law, which says in one line in its declaration of policy that the informal sector should be integrated into the mainstream economy, and in the SRA law, which specifies workers in the informal sector as one of the basic sectors, there is hardly any articulation of the needs and interests of the informal sector, much less of the women who comprise much of this sector.

Amendments should include the inclusion of gender concerns in guiding principles, mandates, goals and objectives of the laws as well as its implementing mechanisms. They should ensure women’s participation in decision-making bodies assigned to carry out the laws. They should specify women’s groups and enterprises as ultimate beneficiaries of the laws and the resources they provide. They should address women’s issues and concerns in the areas of micro-enterprise and micro-finance. They should recognize the intersection of gender, class, and other inequalities and seek to redress discrimination based on all these inequalities. They should prescribe the use of sex-disaggregated data, and gender-based methodologies in research, planning, monitoring, and evaluation. They should make reporting on compliance by the concerned agencies mandatory. And they should use gender-fair and inclusive language, mentioning the phrase “women and men” as actors and beneficiaries whenever possible. last but not least, there should be a stronger initiative for gender mainstreaming in microfinance and micro-enterprise development at all levels of governance in accordance with the state obligation to “pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating discrimination against women...” (Article 2 of CEDAW).

8. Implementation of local sectoral representation for women, workers, and other marginalized groups.
Article X Section 9 of the Constitution provides that “Legislative bodies shall have sectoral representation as may be prescribed by law.” The Local Government Code passed in 1991 says in Section 41 that ...”there shall be one (1) sectoral represerntative for women, one (1) from the workers, and one (1) from any of the following sectors: urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, disabled persons, or any other sector ay may be determined by the snaggunian concerned within ninety (90) days prior to the holding of the next elections, as may be provided by law...” These representatives from local sectoral groups would be elected as members of municipal, city, and provincial councils nationwide. The Local Government Code also mandates sectoral representation in local special bodies such as Regional and Municipal Development Councils, School Boards, etc. Enabling rules should be enacted to realize local sectoral representation in practice. This will increase opportunities for participation of women and informal workers in local politics and governance.

9. Promotion of fair trade at both national and local levels through recalibration of tariffs, prevention of smuggling, providing access to basic medicines at affordable prices despite resistance from multinational drug companies, and support for Filipino products and producers.
Informal worker leaders have evolved their own conception of fair trade – taking it to mean changes in macro-economic policies (including tariff reform, stopping smuggling and dumping of cheap foreign products) to give an even chance to local producers to have their rightful share of the domestic market; enhancing sustainability of production by making use of locally available resources, catering to basic community needs, and safeguarding the environment; ensuring workers’ rights to just remuneration, job security, social protection, and safe working conditions; and promoting gender equity through recognition of women’s work, greater equality in the division of labor, and stronger participation of women in decision-making.

In terms of legislative advocacy, there is need to push for the passage of a more comprehensive and effective anti-smuggling law, as well as a a stronger safeguards law against dumping and import surges. Congress should immediately pass the bill to amend the Intellectual Property Code to provide Filipinos access to affordable medicines through greater market competition, stronger support for Filipino generic drug companies, and strengthened government use provisions consistent with the TRIPS (Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights) flexibilities recognized by the WTO.

At ground level, women’s enterprises find it difficult and expensive to have their products certified by government bodies. This certification process should be supported and facilitated to enable them to upgrade, upscale, and sell their products in mainstream markets.

10. Institutionalization of the Country Program for the Informal Sector at the local level.
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In recent years, this advocacy has been considerably strengthened with the more visible multi-sectoral involvement not only of informal sector organizations and other civil society groups, but also of national government agencies, local government units (LGUs), and United Nations agencies such as the International Labour Organization (ILO), United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). Efforts from these various stakeholders now converge in what is known as the Philippine Country Program for the Informal Sector, the longer title of which is Institutionalizing Programs and Policies for the Informal Sector through the Local Government. This program came into being through Resolution No. 2 (Series of 2003) of the Social Development Committee (SDC) based in the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) co-chaired by the Secretary of the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) and the Secretary of Socio-Economic Planning.

The SDC, which has a Sub-committee on the Informal Sector (chaired by DOLE and with secretariat and management support office lodged at the Bureau of Rural Workers – BRW-DOLE), also has five Technical Working Groups (TWGs), one each for social protection; for productive resources; for capability building, organizing and representation; for policy and statistics; and for resource mobilization and advocacy, consistent with the components of the Country Program. Federations of national informal sector organizations such as PATAMABA, Informal Sector Coalition of the Philippines (ISP), KAKASAHA, KATINIG, KASAMAKA, KAMMPI, and ASAP participate in the TWGs in a continuing “state-civil society dialogue.” This spirit is replicated at the LGU level with the involvement of 17 cities and municipalities in Metro Manila plus Angono, Rizal , tasked with implementing their local action plans for the institutionalization of policies and programs for the informal sector . Replication should proceed faster in non-NCR regions.

11. .Promotion of community-based leadrepreneurship programs which create employment while emphasizing labor rights

Leadrepreneurship programs are in consonance with the ILO decent work agenda which enshrines the following basic rights: freedom of association, abolition of forced labor, gender equality (no discrimination),and elimination of child labor. They promote access to the four pillars of successful entrepreneurship: capital, training ,technology, social security. They combine the qualities of good business (mastery of skills, cost-efficiency, maximization of resources, product development, market expansion, competitiveness) with the development goals of social enterprise: capacity building, job generation, social responsiveness, pooling of resources,and solidarity and environmental sustainability. They focus on human development services, including those addressing occupational safety and health as well as reproductive health needs.
12.Greater protection in the workplace through promotion of occupational safety and health, reproductive health and rights, prevention and punishment of sexual harassment and other forms of violence against women and children
The mandate of the Occupational Safety and Health Center (OSHC) , Bureau of Working Conditions (BWC), Employees Compensation Commission (ECC) and similar bodies should cover both formal and informal workers; resources should be made available for them to develop their programs and services for the informal sector. Such programs and services should also be institutionalized in the local government through budgetary allocations in their local health development plans. These should include the training of trainors among homeworkers and other informal workers as well as continuous awareness raising to prevent and minimize work related and accidents. Since the concerns of women in the informal sector also include prevention of sexual harassment, family violence, and unwanted pregnancy, awareness raising campaigns should also be conducted among informal workers about RA 9262 or Anti-Violence Against Women and Children Act of 2003, the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act, and other relevant laws and public policies. Also important in addressing illness and maternity is greater coverage of the informal sector by SSS and PhilHealth, and support for indigenous social protection schemes initiated by informal workers’ groups in their communities.

13. Passage of the Magna Carta of Women with the CEDAW framework integrated.

The Magna Carta for Women has been pending in Congress for a number of years. It aims to affirm women’s rights and facilitate women’s political and economic empowerment. It includes chapters focusing on “marginalized sectors,” including women in the informal economy. The bill needs more extensive discussion and support among the sectors concerned, and should be made consistent with the provisions of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).